Initially, this statement appears to be a
bold one to make. For the most part, Corbyn’s ideology is backward and
illogical. His political outlook is similar to that of a bohemian, self-loathing,
student who relishes in being against things purely for the sake of it.
However, as we are currently seeing, the establishment has been attempting to
oust Corbyn from his position as leader. While this has been on going since his
promotion to leader in 2015, the call for him to step down has amplified
considerably post-Brexit. When Corbyn’s ideas and the way in which he has lead
the Labour Party are put under scrutiny, his role may actually benefit those on
the political right. And for these reasons, we must hope that the establishment
fails to oust him.
First and fore mostly, Corbyn is deep
down a Eurosceptic and a supporter of Brexit. This could prove to a pivotal
factor in our upcoming withdrawal from the European Union. While at least in
public he backed the Remain campaign, it is blatantly obvious that he was
forced to do so by his party. For decades Corbyn has been a very vocal critic
of the European Union and of our membership. It is highly doubtful that Corbyn
shunned his Euroscepticism entirely overnight in the run up to the referendum.
Further still, many ‘traditional’ Labour supporters and working class members
of the electorate voted Leave. Therefore it would not be a surprise if Corbyn
made a U-turn and returned back to his Eurosceptic roots as a means of gaining
the support of working class Brexit voters. This would be a major blow to the
Europhile establishment. Although this could prove to be a double edged sword.
If Corbyn were to return to publically being a Eurosceptic, this may have an
impact on the working class support for right wing Conservatives and UKIP.
Regardless of this, the potential increased support of the Labour Party would
only be a minor concern. By embracing Eurosceptism once more, the Europhile
establishment would be faced with a formidable Eurosceptic national voice,
spanning the entire political spectrum. This could very well ensure a better
deal once Article 50 has been triggered, while also meaning that it would come sooner rather than later. To be able to watch the establishment cower in horror at another
surge in Euroscepticism would make backing Corbyn (despite his ideological
differences) worthwhile.
Corbyn’s unashamedly obvious disdain for
the political establishment has always been something worth admiring about the
Labour leader, despite his dishevelled appearance and socialist tendencies.
Ironically, he has this explicit disdain for the establishment in common with leading figures on the right. In this
sense, it is worthwhile supporting him in the constant battle with the press
and the political establishment that even now still has the stench of Blairite
politics about it. Again, this is not to say that we must support Corbyn’s
policies. But it is refreshing to have a Labour leader who is not backed by
countless moronic celebrities, big media and other establishment heavyweights.
Much like those on the right, Corbyn has longed to see the destruction of a
political stage that is dominated by a cosy, elitist political class. Ever
since Blair became leader in 1994, the Labour Party has ditched its traditional
supporters. It has sold out. It is much more concerned about being backed by
wealthy, upper middle-class Londoners rather than working class families in the
industrial north. Yet, Corbyn is by no means a modern day Keir Hardie. A
comparison to Michael Foot would perhaps be more accurate. And it is with
Michael Foot that Corbyn shares two crucial concepts. Both have been portrayed
as anti establishment, and both oversaw the downfall of their own parties.
Aforementioned, both Michael Foot and
Jeremy Corbyn are seen as political outsiders, even by the standards of those on the modern day left. And much like Michael Foot did with his 1983 manifesto that became
the ‘longest suicide note in history’, Corbyn too may very well accelerate the
destruction of his own party. While the potential increased public support for
Euroscepticism under Corbyn would be beneficial, the downfall of the Labour
Party would potentially be of a greater benefit to those on the right. As was
with Michael Foot, Corbyn’s policies are out of date (at least for the most
part) in terms of the desires of the electorate. They instead belong to the
ramblings of a student union, not within a party’s national manifesto. We could therefore in the future see an even greater shift of working class votes go to both the Conservative Party, and even more so to UKIP. So far
Corbyn’s leadership has divided the party. Leading figures such as Hilary Benn
have left the shadow cabinet, while Labour Party members are becoming
increasingly more sceptical and pessimistic about their own party. And as the
general election proved in 2015, Labour’s support is waning considerably.
Unfortunately for those on the left, the toxic legacy of Blairite politics
still haunts the Labour Party.
Corbyn is anti-establishment. And despite
his superficial backing of the Remain campaign, Corbyn is fundamentally a
Eurosceptic. Both of these factors could prove to be crucial in both the gradual
but inevitable destruction of the current political establishment, and also in
the triggering of Article 50 along with the negotiations of Brexit. However, with all
things said, the number one reason why it will be of benefit for Corbyn to
remain to be leader is that it will ensure the destruction of the Labour Party.
Due to the contempt that the hard line left wing members and the Blairite members of
the party have for one another, along with the party’s abandonment of the
working class, the Labour Party is on its way out. If however Corbyn does not
remain to be leader, the party will still continue to self implode. Although
this would result in the establishment gaining another figurehead – in the form
of yet another Blairite. Thus for the right to make the most
out of the Labour Party’s downfall, we must hope that Jeremy Corbyn remains to
be its leader.
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